In the Grandiose Parlor…

Photo slide celebrates the world most distinguished elder statesman, Dr Nelson Mandela.

Video of Mandela 90th birthday bash: The 46664 Concert, London

This following chronology looks back at the problem of xenophobia since South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994.

1994
The Zulu-based Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) threatens to take “physical action” if the government fails to respond to the perceived crisis of undocumented migrants in South Africa.

IFP leader and Minister of Home Affairs Mangosutho Buthelezi says in his first speech to parliament: “If we as South Africans are going to compete for scarce resources with millions of aliens who are pouring into South Africa, then we can bid goodbye to our Reconstruction and Development Programme.”

In December gangs of South Africans try to evict perceived “illegals” from Alexandra township, blaming them for increased crime, sexual attacks and unemployment. The campaign, lasting several weeks, is known as “Buyelekhaya” (Go back home).

1995
A report by the Southern African Bishops’ Conference concludes: “There is no doubt that there is a very high level of xenophobia in our country … One of the main problems is that a variety of people have been lumped together under the title of ‘illegal immigrants’, and the whole situation of demonising immigrants is feeding the xenophobia phenomenon.”

1997
Defence Minister Joe Modise links the issue of undocumented migration to increased crime in a newspaper interview.
In a speech to parliament, Home Affairs Minister Buthelezi claims “illegal aliens” cost South African taxpayers “billions of rands” each year.

A study co-authored by the Human Sciences Research Council and the Institute for Security Studies reports that 65 percent of South Africans support forced repatriation of undocumented migrants. White South Africans are found to be most hostile to migrants, with 93 percent expressing negative attitudes.

Local hawkers in central Johannesburg attack their foreign counterparts. The chairperson of the Inner Johannesburg Hawkers Committee is quoted as saying: “We are prepared to push them out of the city, come what may. My group is not prepared to let our government inherit a garbage city because of these leeches.”

A Southern African Migration Project (SAMP) survey of migrants in Lesotho, Mozambique and Zimbabwe shows that very few would wish to settle in South Africa. A related study of migrant entrepreneurs in Johannesburg finds that these street traders create an average of three jobs per business.

1998
Three non-South Africans are killed by a mob on a train travelling between Pretoria and Johannesburg in what is described as a xenophobic attack.

In December The Roll Back Xenophobia Campaign is launched by a partnership of the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), the National Consortium on Refugee Affairs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
The Department of Home Affairs reports that the majority of deportations are of Mozambicans (141,506) followed by Zimbabweans (28,548)

1999
A report by the SAHRC notes that xenophobia underpins police action against foreigners. People are apprehended for being “too dark” or “walking like a black foreigner”. Police also regularly destroy documents of black non-South Africans.

Sudanese refugee James Diop is seriously injured after being thrown from a train in Pretoria by a group of armed men. Kenyan Roy Ndeti and his room mate are shot in their home. Both incidents are described as xenophobic attacks.

In Operation Crackdown, a joint police and army sweep, over 7,000 people are arrested on suspicion of being illegal immigrants. In contrast, only 14 people are arrested for serious crimes.

A SAHRC report on the Lindela deportation centre, a holding facility for undocumented migrants, lists a series of abuses at the facility, including assault and the systematic denial of basic rights. The report notes that 20 percent of detainees claimed South African citizenship or that they were in the country legally.

2001
According to the 2001 census, out of South Africa’s population of 45 million, just under one million foreigners are legally resident in the country. However, the Department of Home Affairs estimates there are more than seven million undocumented migrants.

2004
Protests erupt at Lindela over claims of beatings and inmate deaths, coinciding with hearings into xenophobia by SAHRC and parliament’s portfolio committee on foreign affairs.

2006
Cape Town’s Somali community claim that 40 traders have been the victims of targeted killings between August and September.
Somali-owned businesses in the informal settlement of Diepsloot, outside Johannesburg, are repeatedly torched.

2007
In March UNHCR notes its concern over the increase in the number of xenophobic attacks on Somalis. The Somali community claims 400 people have been killed in the past decade.

In May more than 20 people are arrested after shops belonging to Somalis and other foreign nationals are torched during anti-government protests in Khutsong township, a small mining town about 50km southwest of Johannesburg. According to the International Organisation of Migration, 177,514 Zimbabweans deported from South Africa pass through their reception centre across the border in Beitbridge since its opening in May 2006.

2008
In March human rights organisations condemn a spate of xenophobic attacks around Pretoria that leave at least four people dead and hundreds homeless.

Sources include: IRIN, Human Rights Watch, SAMP, SAHRC, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation

I’m speechless following the appalling attacks on immigrants in Johannesburg.

Media reports carry the details of the xenophobic attacks orchestrated by some angry black south Africans:

On Monday, men wielding clubs and sticks patrolled along the road near one camp — apparently South Africans trying to prevent foreigners from returning, The A.P. said.

This latest outbreak of xenophobia began a week ago in the historic township of Alexandra and has since spread to other areas in and around Johannesburg, including Cleveland, Diepsloot, Hilbrow, Tembisa, Primrose, Ivory Park and Thokoza.

These attacks are an uncommon manifestation of inferiority complex. It has turned lethal, and simply tagged South Africa as a violent and unfriendly nation.

I wonder now if South Africa even deserves to host the world cup championship in 2010.

Photo: A man set on fire by a mob during anti-immigrant clashes in Johannesburg.

The post -”Miss Landmine [Angola]: A Grotesque Display of Insensitivity” generated a feedback from another NGO working to rid Mozambique and Angola of landmines.

Earlier today, Kai Von Pannier the Managing Director of Mineseeker Foundation S.A, the NGO that runs “The Sole of Africa” campaign, gives a summary of their mission via email. Here is the gist:

“Our campaign is to use new technology using airships to scan the
ground. However, this is just one part of the problem, once we have
identified and declared land safe from landmines, what then? This is why we
have partner with other NGO’s to form a program that’s vision is ‘Africa
feeding Africa’…

“We are currently at the start of our global awareness campaign and we
are focussed on raising the [tag]landmine[/tag] issue to the highest levels.
We have the backing of Nelson Mandela and high level patrons,
so we are confident that we will succeed.”

Mineseeker Foundation aims “to raise sufficient funds from Governments, commercial concerns and funding agencies to survey and map mine affected areas and through it’s initiative “[tag]The Sole of Africa[/tag]“, to return liberated land back to food production.”

Head to This is Zimbabwe to for more and why Africa’s #1 superpower would butt-kiss Africa’s # 1 scoundrel!

Nigeria has a mobile yellow pages, it’s also available on desktops.

According to Olatunde-Hythe, the chief executive of Xybertek Systems (the owner of pages):

“We happen to be the first company in Nigeria delivering Yellow Pages on mobile phones. We are providing businesses and Advertisers the advantage of every single way to connect with their audience. Our Mobile edition is an integral part of our strategy for providing the bridge between buyers and sellers regardless of time, channel or location.

“Mobile edition of NigerianYellowPages.com is a distinctive, high quality service providing users with extensive business information at whatever time of day or night they want it, from wherever they want it – it’s the only mobile phone or mobile device with WAP features they need.”

I remember being fascinated checking-out Rafiq Phillips’ (blogger at Your Group of Web Addicts) iDrive mobile application a while back.

Coincidentally while killing time on the Internet earlier today, I discovered WCIT (Wireless Customer Interactive Technologies) , a South African company that does mobile location based marketing via Bluetooth technology. How clever!

Readers may want to check White African’s paper on mobile web technology as well. Hash believes the effective use of the mobile web platform is the catalyst the dormant African media and ICT sectors needs. Well, it appears his prophesy is gradually being fulfilled.

This is somewhat dated, but I couldn’t let it past after reading about the project on Kabissa (kabissa.org):

“Rural women in KwaZulu Natal will be using mobile phones to report on violations of their human rights. The UmNyango Project, which is implementing this initiative, was established by Fahamu, a pan African organisation based in Cape Town, Nairobi, Dakar and Oxford. The UmNyango Project will use SMS technology for rural women and men to access information to and report incidences of violence against women and children, as well as violations of women’s right to land.”

My initial reaction is: “Wow, excellent idea!” However, several issues came to mind several minutes after reading the proposal, some of which could potentially create more headaches for the organizers, and the even lead to increase in violence.

• What happens after the women/ victims report incidences of violence? Are there law enforcement agencies or advocacy groups that could come to the aid of the victims within a reasonable period?

By simply reporting instances of violence, especially cases of domestic violence (DV), without creating means of protecting or insulating the victims from the perpetrators just further endangers the victims. A DV perpetrator is a control-freak, by empowering the victims to report cases of violence without providing them some form of protection may lead to increase in DV incidence against these women. In the United States, the standard practice is to remove victims or perpetrators of DV from the scene once a a case is reported…and there is a lot of sense in doing this.

I would like to know how the test-run of this idea went in South Africa. (Photo: kabissa.org)